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Delhi: New government, old problems

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In May, what troubles Delhi and much of north India the most is the blistering heat. Occasional storms and showers bring brief relief, though they sometimes cause minor disruptions. But this time, the storm and rainfall unleashed an unprecedented disaster in Delhi. Large parts of the capital experienced power outage lasting several hours, and many roads were submerged. For a day, the city seemed to come to a standstill, almost.

The storm also triggered a blame game between the ruling BJP and Opposition Aam Aadmi Party. The AAP accused the BJP-led administration of failing to maintain the power supply and civic infrastructure. The BJP retorted that the storm had exposed the shortcomings of the infrastructure developed under AAP’s tenure.

As public criticism mounted, lieutenant-governor V.K. Saxena stepped in, commending chief minister Rekha Gupta’s handling of the crisis. Still, the public sentiment remained: the government may have changed, but the situation hasn’t.

And this is not just about a single storm. It reflects the deeper malaise affecting many of Delhi’s systems. Three months ago, the BJP returned to power in Delhi after 26 years, making sweeping promises. The new chief minister pledged unwavering commitment to the city’s development. Yet the reality is the opposite. Long-standing problems are worsening rather than being resolved. The storm’s impact is only symptomatic of the broader systemic issues.

During its tenure, the AAP had launched mohalla clinics across the city, projecting them as a revolutionary step in public healthcare. While heavily publicised, these clinics fell short in delivering substantial benefits to Delhi’s residents. Medical costs for the middle class remained largely unaffected. During the Covid-19 pandemic — when such facilities could have been crucial — many people found them inadequate. Investigations later revealed understaffing and large-scale fabrication of patient records under the guise of treatment.

When the BJP government took charge in Delhi, it had two clear choices: either to improve the existing systems or to build new ones from the ground up. Unfortunately, it did neither.

Instead, the widely promoted mohalla clinics were rebranded as ‘arogya mandirs’. Soon after, reports emerged that 250 mohalla clinics were being shut down. It became evident that an already ailing system was now on the verge of collapse. Although the government assured that none of the staff would lose their jobs, it was announced that the clinics would now operate under the Ayushman Bharat scheme. As a result, even the limited services previously offered by these clinics began to dwindle.

Another major claim of the AAP was improving the quality of education. The Kejriwal government had significantly increased Delhi’s education budget to support this goal. However, the ambitious promises never fully materialised.

Once the BJP assumed office, private schools across the city hiked their fees sharply. Many parents, unable to bear the burden, began to fear for their children’s future. Allegations surfaced that the steep fee hikes were being carried out with the tacit approval of the government. Reports even emerged of children being expelled for non-payment. The public outcry eventually forced the government to introduce the Fee Regulation Act.

On the issue of subsidies for electricity and water, the BJP government has chosen not to make any immediate changes. However, there is growing speculation that these subsidies might soon be revised. The reported financial loss of Rs 27,000 crore from these schemes has sparked an intense debate. And it’s not just electricity and water — several other welfare programmes also appear to be under threat.

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From mohalla to nowhere

As Rekha Gupta’s government continues to falter on multiple fronts, the situation could have offered AAP a chance to reclaim political ground in Delhi. Ironically, AAP itself seems to be vanishing from the city’s political landscape. While former chief minister Atishi and AAP’s Delhi unit president Saurabh Bhardwaj occasionally make statements to maintain visibility, the party’s foundational leaders have largely been absent from the capital.

Arvind Kejriwal, former chief minister and AAP’s national convener, is now seen more frequently in Punjab than in the city where his political career took shape. He has been spotted addressing rallies, launching projects alongside Punjab chief minister Bhagwant Mann, and engaging with party workers there. Similarly, Manish Sisodia, once Delhi’s deputy CM, is now the party’s Punjab in-charge and is actively involved in political activities there. Satyendar Jain, another key AAP figure, is serving as deputy in-charge in Punjab, further deepening the leadership vacuum in Delhi.

In the past three months, Kejriwal has made only a handful of appearances in Delhi. His presence was noted during the launch of the party’s student wing in May and earlier during addresses on Shaheedi Diwas and Ambedkar Jayanti. But such appearances have been few and far between.

The party’s apparent disinterest in Delhi politics became glaringly evident when 15 councillors in the Municipal Corporation of Delhi resigned from AAP and floated a new party. According to the Indian Express, grassroots workers are deeply disillusioned, with many feeling abandoned by the very leaders they once rallied behind. Devendra Yadav, president of the Delhi Pradesh Congress, described the situation as “a reflection of the collapse of AAP’s political structure under Kejriwal”.

Interestingly, Kejriwal is now seen more in Ludhiana, where by-elections for the Ludhiana West Assembly seat will be held on 19 June. The AAP has fielded its Rajya Sabha MP Sanjeev Arora and his victory could make way for Kejriwal’s entry to Rajya Sabha. If that happens, he might return to the capital as an MP, but as a representative of Punjab, not Delhi.

And that raises a fundamental question: what future does AAP have in Delhi, the city that once defined its rise?

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